Dear Readers,
To say that Pakistan has, over time, become a complacent nation that is not overly bothered about missing many targets it had aimed for would be an accurate assumption. To also say that we have become very much accustomed to the lack of commitment exhibited time and time again by the leadership would not be wholly erroneous. Consider the fact that even after more than six decades as an independent nation Pakistan finds itself mired in crisis after crisis on an almost perennial basis. Why is it that almost all of our very popular political leaders who rule over us and control the nation’s destiny, stash away all their fortunes abroad? Today Pakistan finds itself in a state of war and as happens in every war, there are special provisions that allow us to meet and to counter these threats, and in short extraordinary Situations require extraordinary responses. The National Action Plan (NAP) that was initiated post-December 2014 has now come under scrutiny, one criticism being that the NAP has either been implemented partially or even arbitrarily. In a high level meeting between the civil and military leadership held in early Nov 2015 to review the progress of the NAP, not much headway could be made and it ended on a grey note. While the Pakistan Army has played its role quite effectively by forcefully carrying out Operation Zarb-i-Azb and the Rangers operation in Karachi, all this might come to naught if the government fails to initiate some vital and meaningful measures to control terror financing, regulate Madrassah reforms, etc. etc. The effectiveness of NAP has received a setback because of areas of weaknesses it its implementation. For the benefit of readers I am reproducing my article titled “MAKING NAP MORE EFFECTIVE”.
The National Action Plan (NAP) was crafted on an emergency basis by a panel of experts after the December 2014 terrorist attack on the Army Public School (APS) in Peshawar. NAP’s working mechanism comprises a three-tier structure consisting of a federal apex committee chaired by the Prime Minister (PM), the National Counter Terrorism Authority (NACTA) and provincial apex committees meant to facilitate NAP’s effective implementation and execution. However, the comprehensive deterrence and response plans envisaged under the National Internal Security Policy (NISP), announced several months earlier by the federal interior minister, Chaudhry Nisar Ali Khan, have only been partially implemented or not at all. Relegated to lip service only under the Zardari regime, NACTA, placed as a bridge mechanism in the second tier, remains toothless and is symbolised by not yet having dedicated leadership. A senior police officer, albeit a professionally competent one, has dual charge of both NACTA and the National Police Bureau (NPB).
Wide-ranging measures were envisaged against the promotion of terrorism through the litany of fear, extremism, sectarianism and intolerance bring spread by means of the electronic and print media, the internet and social media. NAP’s salient points included strict action against the dissemination of hatred and fear through radio, television, literature, newspapers, magazines etc. Many chat rooms and social media channels freely spread hate but no comprehensive plan is in place to check their proliferation. While some action has been taken against those media platforms espousing hate, the Anti-Terrorism Act 1997 is still inadequate in ensuring convictions for such crimes.
Great emphasis was made on stopping all funding to terrorists and terrorist outfits from internal and external sources. Despite some steps made by the State Bank of Pakistan (SBP), there is no real action plan to combat such money laundering. One of the Khananis, who has now been arrested in the US because of a sealed indictment by a grand jury, walked free from the courts in Pakistan notwithstanding a wealth of evidence against him. Who was paid off: the courts or those who prosecuted him? Many in Pakistan are bracing themselves to fend of Khanani’s disclosures in a bid to get ‘approver’ status and/or a reduced sentence. Terrorists have already shifted to alternate money transfer, most of them hawala-based. There is a distinct lack of enthusiasm to control foreign funding to religious seminaries. In somewhat of a macabre joke, funds are still being directed to many defunct outfits still operating in the country under different names. Elements excelling in spreading sectarianism regularly operate madrassas (seminaries) without check, holding street protests and donation drives.
With no credible information existing about the mushrooming of unregistered madrassas, generally located in remote areas, there is a severe problem. Estimates put this figure at as high as 12,000 unregistered among 28,000 registered madrassas. They usually escape scrutiny since they occupy the additional room of a mosque where students are imparted nazra Quran and hifz lessons. To quote an article titled ‘Madrassa’ that I once wrote: “Stretching from Jhang to Bahawalpur, South Punjab is an educational battleground, dotted with the most aggressive and militant of all madaris. Dominated by feudal lords with large landholdings, the cities of this region are teeming with the poor masses controlled by jihadi groups. Private citizens from Saudi Arabia, the UAE and Kuwait fund them generously. Despite all the good talk, none of Musharraf’s 2002 promises to reform the madaris have been fulfilled or even come close to it. Only three model madaris have been set up — one each in Karachi, Sukkur and Islamabad, a meagre 300 students in total. There is a dire need to fulfil the 2002 promises made by the Musharraf regime. More important is the need to implement alternatives to reduce the dependence of the poor and impoverished on a madrassa.”
A major concern is how the media serves the terrorists’ purpose by force-multiplying fear into the homes of citizens. This is not inadvertent; it is meant to increase viewership and, other than creating panic and despondency among the masses, instils loss of confidence in the ability of the state to protect them. Consider the effect of television grabs from the recent Paris incident visibly displaying the panic and fear in the Paris population. The laws curbing such dissemination from our electronic and print media must be strictly applied. Advances in modern electronics (and communications thereof) are such that despite imposing bans the west has not been able to prevent Islamic State (IS) from spreading its ugly message on the internet. Compared to the electronic capacity of the west, Pakistan simply does not have the necessary infrastructure to counter such propaganda.
Reforms are needed in criminal courts to strengthen anti-terrorism institutions. This remains part of the wish list rather than an actual, implemented measure. It is very heartening to note that the Supreme Court (SC) is now very aware of the problems associated with terrorism. Addressing the foundation stone-laying ceremony of the construction of 10 Anti-Terrorism Courts (ATCs) inside Karachi Central Prison on Saturday to ensure swift trials of terrorism-related cases in a secure environment, Chief Justice (CJ) of the (SC), Anwar Zaheer Jamali, said, “All sections of society, including judges, lawyers, policemen, security forces and general public had to pay a price for being on the forefront of the war against terrorism, Pakistan is facing both internal and external threats.” According to the CJ, “Ordinary steps are not enough to combat terrorism in an effective manner because the whole scenario has changed after the 9/11 terrorist attacks in the US in 2001. A better environment and protection of the appointed judges in ATCs is extremely crucial. This is equally important for the provision of speedy and inexpensive justice.” unquote.
The PM’s rhetoric is repeated again and again when he says that extremism will not be tolerated in any part of the country. Is the PM’s enthusiasm being put into practice? Not according to the reaction of the government to the last corps commanders’ conference where the mention of improving “governance” in a subsequent Inter-Services Public Relations (ISPR) statement set off a furor despite the fact the everyone and his uncle knows that bad governance is Pakistan’s major problem. While the military has pursued the mandate agreed to for tackling terrorists successfully and while civilian response has certainly made some progress, it is neither enough nor has clear-cut and unambiguous tactical direction.
So, why the rather knee-jerk reaction by the government’s minions, or was it simply a case of someone being peeved and spiteful on the eve of the army chief’s visit to the US?
